Much of the international attention which has turned towards Mexico in recent years has come as a result of the so-called drug war. But one aspect which has marked the years since 2006 in resource-rich areas of Mexico has been the number of mining concessions approved for operations. As these permits move from the exploratory to the commercial production stage, an increasing number of communities in Mexico – many of them indigenous – are raising their voices in opposition. One such community is San Jose del Progreso in the southern state of Oaxaca.

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Of the hundreds of permits granted to foreign mining companies in Mexico, more than half have gone to Canadian firms. Some of the more contentious mining projects involve operations within indigenous territories. A common complaint in these cases is the lack of community consultation beforehand.

AMBI: reading statement at protest

At a recent protest in front of a state office for foreign investment, indigenous rights activists called on the government to abide by the terms of the International Labor Organization’s Convention 169 and consult with local communities before approving projects within their territories.

Residents of San Jose del Progreso – where Canadian firm Fortuna Silver owns a 55 million dollar mine – say that didn’t happen.

(Bernardo Vasquez audio in Spanish, reporter interprets)

Mine opponent Bernardo Vasquez Sanchez said residents began to notice the then-mayor was holding long, closed door meetings with businessmen in 2006…and that residents were only informed of the plans for the mine once the project was in its exploratory stage.

Vasquez, a college educated avocado farmer, became a lead organizer. On the night of March 15th, he became the second opponent of the San Jose mine murdered this year. He spoke with FSRN weeks before his death and alleged the mine was funding local officials who, in turn, created an armed group to intimidate opponents of the mine.

This is something Fortuna Silver CEO Jorge Ganoza denies.

JORGE GANOZA: “We categorically deny any involvement of the company or its subsidiaries in acts or even condoning any such violence.”

Ganoza told investors during a teleconference this week that the conflict in San Jose pre-dates the arrival of the Fortuna Silver owned mine.

JORGE GANOZA: “What we are aware of is a long, historic conflict in San Jose that is a cause of local struggle. This is not unusual in Oaxaca which is a state marked by local political disputes and land struggle.”

But many San Jose residents say the rift within the community is more recent. Eustacio Vasquez Ruiz says the mine is the root cause of the social division within the town:

EUSTACIO VASQUEZ RUIZ: “Everything started to change when this mining company arrived. It started to divide our people…and I think that’s the aim of these big companies; to divide and conquer. And those of us who have experienced it first-hand can attest to it.”

That statement came during a press conference held in Mexico City last week ahead of a demonstration in front of the Canadian Embassy. During the question and answer session, an audience member from the state of Veracruz stood up to make his own statement.

(Guillermo Rodriguez audio in Spanish, reporter interprets)

The man introduced himself as Guillermo Rodriguez, a member of a newly-formed group which opposes plans for an open pit gold mine near Mexico’s only nuclear power plant. The project is known as Caballo Blanco and the permit belongs to Goldgroup, another Canadian-owned firm. In his short speech, Rodriguez said Bernardo Vasquez’s murder struck a personal nerve because he had travelled to Veracruz just weeks before his murder to share the experiences of the anti-mine struggle in San Jose.

GUILLERMO RODRIGUEZ: “We say that Bernardo isn’t dead. He’s been planted and he sewed a powerful seed in Veracruz. And in our most recent meeting of our organization, we determined that we will honor Bernardo’s memory by fighting until the Canadian mine, Caballo Blanco, is eradicated.”

Over the past few of years, opposition to mining projects in indigenous territories has been relatively contained and limited to regional struggles…but the recent murder of activist Bernardo Vasquez seems to be changing that. His death has focused international attention on controversial mines in Mexico and established a concrete connection between previously isolated environmental and indigenous rights movements in southern Mexico.

Bernardo Vásquez and Rosalinda Dionicio in the CPUVO office in San José del Progreso. Photo credit: Dawn Paley

A prominent opponent of a Canadian-owned mine in Mexico has died after armed men opened fire on his car. Bernardo Vásquez was the outspoken leader of a regional movement opposed to a silver and gold mine in southern Mexico. The mine is operated by a subsidiary of Vancouver-based Fortuna Silver. Shannon Young reports from Oaxaca, Mexico.

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Thirty-two year old activist agronomist Bernardo Vásquez was fatally shot while driving along a rural highway about one hour south of Oaxaca City, Mexico.

Bernardo Vásquez’s brother Andrés and a cousin, Rosalinda Dionicio – both active in the local anti-mine struggle – were also in the car when armed men opened fire. Both sustained serious gunshot wounds and remain in the hospital.

(audio: Leovigildo Vásquez in Spanish, reporter interprets)

Another brother told local reporters on Friday that Vasquez received a death threat about three weeks ago.

Bernardo Vásquez documented the violence of a pro-mine group he said has been funded – and armed – by mining interests since 2009.

(audio: Bernardo Vásquez decribes documentation file – fade under)

Last month, Vasquez showed CBC News a case file containing a list of crimes committed by the pro-mining group which included

Men open fire on residents protesting the installation of infrastructure to pipe water to the mine

photographs of members carrying high-power rifles reserved exclusively for military use. Bernardo Vásquez said his group was planning to turn over the folder and other documents to the Canadian Embassy. He said the state government refused to adequately respond to the January murder of a local mine opponent.

Bernardo Vásquez: “The state can no longer continue to protect these men, especially with all of the evidence we’ve made public. We’ve filed more than twenty criminal complaints against these people and not one case has advanced. It’s clear the state government – or at least its attorney general – is protecting them.”

Oaxaca is one of Mexico’s poorest states and the government actively promotes investment opportunities in the mining sector.

The apparent lack of political will to prosecute violent crimes against opponents of the mine in San José has spanned years and political administrations. Father Martin Garcia, the area’s former parish priest, was brutally attacked in mid 2010, allegedly by members of the pro-mine group; many of whom he could identify by name. No one has been formally charged.

(audio: Father Martín García in Spanish, reporter interprets.)

Andrés Vásquez Sánchez read a spray-painted death threat aimed at his brother, Bernardo in February 2012

Father Martín García says he and many parishioners felt the government should inform and consult with local populations before approving projects within indigenous territories.

Bernardo Vásquez’s organization saw the fight over the local mine as a part of a larger set of demands for greater self-determination and territorial control in Oaxaca; Mexico’s most indigenous state.

Bernardo Vásquez: “The problem with the San José mine isn’t just limited to San José del Progreso. It’s a problem for the whole state of Oaxaca, for the whole nation. It’s practically a war declared on the small towns and their people because government officials, in their eagerness to look productive, are giving away our gold like in times past.”

The gold and silver mine in San José began full operations in September 2011. On its website, Fortuna Silver states it expects the mine to produce “1.7 million ounces of silver and 15,000 ounces of gold” this year.

A spokesperson for the company says it is in touch with local authorities about Vasquez’s murder and says it doesn’t know if his death is connected to his work as an anti-mine activist.

The murder comes as C-323, a bill which would allow foreigners to file tort claims against Canadian mining companies in Canadian courts is before the House of Commons.

Shannon Young, CBC News, Oaxaca.

(NOTE: The above is a transcript of a report produced for the March 17, 2012 broadcast of the CBC Radio program, The World This Weekend.]

Bernardo Vásquez Sánchez speaking at a mining opposition event in Xalapa, Veracruz (Feb 25, 2012)

A well-known environmental activist in Oaxaca, Mexico was murdered Thursday night in a highway ambush about an hour south of the state capital. Thirty-two year old Bernardo Vásquez Sánchez – a vocal opponent to a Canadian-owned mining project – was shot multiple times in the chest when armed men attacked his car along the road which connects his hometown, San Jose del Progreso, to the regional hub of Ocotlán.

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His brother, Andrés Vásquez and his cousin, Rosalinda Dionicio – both active in the local struggle against the mine – have been hospitalized with gunshot wounds. Bernardo Vásquez died upon arrival at a regional clinic.

The men responsible for the attack have not been identified, but the organization Vásquez led – the Coordinating Committee of the United Towns of the Valley – has meticulously documented the actions of a group they say has been funded and armed by mining interests.

In a recent interview with FSRN, Bernardo Vazquez Sanchez described how in 2006, the then-mayor of San Jose del Progreso signed a deal with mine representatives without consulting the town’s residents.

Bernardo Vásquez Sánchez: “We found out about it in 2008. That year was marked by demands and peaceful protests against the mayor. In 2009, with the occupation of the mine, the pressure became more notable. And it was in May of 2009 when we found out about the pro-mine organization. And it was that month when we began to see armed men who belonged to said organization. Those armed men who belonged to that organization, are now part of the town governing council and they’ve now brought in guys from other towns to act as their gunmen.” 

Water reservoir in San José del Progreso

The mine in San José del Progreso operates as Minera Cuzcatlán, a subsidiary of Vancouver-based Fortuna Silver.

Bernardo Vázquez showed FSRN a case file of documentation, including photographs of men with weapons reserved exclusively for military use. His group had identified the men by name and – in the face of state government inaction – had planned to deliver the evidence to the Canadian Embassy.

While opposition to the mining project is a main thrust of the Coordinating Committee of the United Towns of the Valley, it’s part of a larger set of demands for greater self-determination and territorial control in Oaxaca; Mexico’s most indigenous state.

Again, Bernardo Vazquez Sanchez.

Bernardo Vásquez Sánchez: “The problem with the San José mine isn’t just limited to San José del Progreso. It’s a problem for Oaxaca. It’s a nationwide problem. It’s practically a war declared on the small towns and their people because government officials, in their eagerness to look productive, are giving away our gold like in times past.”

The gold and silver mine in San José began full operations in September 2011. On its website, Fortuna Silver states it expects the mine to produce “1.7 million ounces of silver and 15,000 ounces of gold” this year.

Although opposition to the mine will likely continue, Thursday night’s murder of Bernardo Vásquez Sánchez means local movements of mostly indigenous small farmers in the Ocotlán Valley have lost a young and committed leader.

[This report was produced for the Friday, March 16, 2010 broadcast of FSRN]

China mass produces most of the toys you’ll find in stores these days. If you’re looking for incricate handcrafted toys made in local workshops, you may have to go to Oaxaca, Mexico. That’s where Miguel Ramirez has been making toys for more than 40 years.

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[FIREWORKS]

Public celebrations like New Year’s Eve and Independence Day draw huge crowds to Oaxaca City’s central square. The celebrations include fireworks, live music, and…

[FOAM FIGHT]

…playful fights with spray foam. By the time the party is over, empty aerosol cans blanket the square. It’s an amazing amount of litter…but not all of it ends up in a landfill.

[COLLECTING CANS]

RAMIREZ (in Spanish, voiced over): “So we pick it up, as much as we can. We’re able to gather around 10, 15, even 20 sacks full and they last us all year.”

That’s local artist Miguel Ramirez. More than four decades ago, he started turning these cans into toy airplanes, helicopters, trains, antique cars…and even UFOs.

Mr. Ramirez has a toy workshop in his home, where he shows me how he turns the empty spray cans into raw material for his creations.

[Miguel Ramirez cutting cans – reporter describes process]

He takes one of the cans out of a sack, holds down the valve to release any remaining air, then knocks the valve off. Then, he hammers the tip of a knife into the upper side of the can and cuts off its top. Ramirez uses the tops to make the wheels for his trains and cars. Next, he cuts off the bottom of the can…. Bottoms make good reflectors. Then, he slices up the can’s metal seam with scissors.

RAMIREZ (in Spanish): “Then you open it up, then flatten the metal.”

Ramirez uses a thick piece of wood to do that.

RAMIREZ: “From there, you wash it with a good amount of water. Once it’s clean, you let it dry, shine it with newspaper and then fold over the edges.”

[SANDER STARTING UP]

He makes sure to leave no sharp edges. What he can’t fold into a side seam, he smooths over with a sanding wheel. Ramirez transforms the sheet metal into car chassis, steam engine chimneys, and decorative ladders for his UFOs. Solder holds everything together.

All of his creations… which can be up to 2 feet long…. have moving parts and some make sounds – like this airplane.

[PLANE CLICKING SOUND]
RAMIREZ: “That’s what gets the attention of young people, children and even adults (laughs).”

Ramirez and his wife take to the streets occasionally to sell their pieces…but it’s a bit  tricky. They don’t have an expensive street vendor’s license. So they have to do their selling while walking. They cradle a model or two in their arms while carrying others in tote bags slung over their shoulders.

Patricia Diaz has bought several pieces from Ramirez and recalls the 1st time she saw him and his wife.

PATRICIA DIAZ (in Spanish, voiced over): “I saw them walk by selling these toys, or these objects made from sheet metal. I went downstairs to inquire and they had already walked ahead. I had almost lost them, but I caught up and well, I really liked what they had. It’s really lovely and well done work.”

The work is also very labor-intensive. Miguel Ramirez says he can produce 6 trains or cars in one month. He repairs electronic appliances to supplement the family income, but says his heart is in his handcrafted artwork.

RAMIREZ: “The work is very labor-intensive, but it’s worthwhile. I feel good doing this work.

One of his handmade cars or trains costs about 50 dollars. That’s about  the same as a remote controlled vehicle or a brand name plastic toy truck of the same size. The big difference being the metal toy is more likely to survive an entire childhood.

Two students from the “Isidro Burgos” rural teaching academy in Ayotzinapa, Guerrero were shot dead during a protest in southern Mexico yesterday. Around 500 students from the school blocked part of the Autopista del Sol highway to demand a meeting with the Governor Angel Aguirre Rivero. By the time police took control of the highway, two students were lying dead on the asphalt.

The victims were identified as 20 year-old Gabriel Echeverría de Jesús and 21 year-old Jorge Alexis Herrera Pino. The student organization behind the protests stated a third student, Edgar David Espíritu, died Monday night. However, at the time of this writing, Espíritu is reportedly alive but in a coma.

State authorities initially denied police shot at protesters, but a video released by Milenio TV shows a man in plainclothes firing a high caliber rifle from a police line in the direction of the protests. The police in video made no attempt to stop or apprehend the gunman.

La Jornada published a photo today showing plainclothes police with high caliber rifles at the scene of protest in Chilpancingo. El Universal also published video of plain clothes police armed with rifles.

Students mobilized on Monday to pressure the governor to appear at a budget negotiation meeting that had been cancelled and postponed for months.

In addition to the killings, at least 20 people were arrested. At least one has been released with serious facial bruising. The Tlachinollan Human Rights Center, which is providing legal counsel to some of the detained, stated a 19 year-old claimed he was tortured into making a false confession about firing a rifle during the protest.

Tuesday afternoon, Guerrero’s governor announced the dismissals of the state attorney general and the state police chief and his deputy.

Mexico’s system of rural academies (the Normales Rurales) was set up to train children of marginalized small farmers to become teachers in rural communities. The schools have been hard hit by budget cuts and reduced enrolment opportunities over the past 10 years.